Keynote address
by NATO Secretary General, Jaap de Hoop
Scheffer at the EAPC Security Forum in Ohrid, the former Yugoslav Republic of
Macedonia*
Ministers, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,
It gives me a great pleasure, as the Chairman of the
Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council, to set the scene for our discussions
today. Our first event of this nature, held two years ago, in Ã…re, Sweden,
was a real success. And I have similar high hopes for todayÂ’s
meeting. After all, gathered before me are Ministers and senior
representatives from across the 49 NATO and Partner countries, as well as
parliamentarians, academics, and members of International Organisations, Non
Governmental Organisations, the press and media. And it is a particular
pleasure to welcome our representatives from Afghanistan. It is this
broader cross-section of society, in addition to the professional security
specialists, who can enrich our debate with new ideas, as well as ensure that
our debate remains anchored in the realm of reality.
It was 10 years ago in Sintra, in Portugal, that the EAPC
was established. And our Forum here today can be considered an appropriate
anniversary. From its outset, the EAPC was designed to be a flexible
mechanism that would develop through practice. And indeed, as a framework
for practical cooperation between Allies and Partners, as well as for enhancing
political dialogue, it has been evolved considerably, and has been most
successful. Which is why my address this morning - “Promoting Peace and
Stability: Current Challenges and Solutions” - will focus on the role of the
EAPC as a key contributor to solving todayÂ’s challenges.
If I look at the practical focus of the EAPC and its
associated Partnership for Peace, we have already made a good deal of progress
in preparing our military forces to work together seamlessly. Thirteen
EAPC countries are currently making extremely valuable contributions to NATO-led
operations here in the Balkans, in the Mediterranean, as well as in
Afghanistan. This Partner participation is a most welcome feature, and I
shall return to it later.
But the EAPC, with the PfP, are far more than mechanisms
for encouraging military interoperability and strengthening NATOÂ’s ability to
work practically with Partners. They have also helped develop political
and institutional interoperability between Allies and Partners. They have
helped to build an impressive Euro-Atlantic network of political leaders,
diplomats, soldiers and civil servants who can speak the same language, work
together, and solve problems together. In short, the EAPC and PfP have
contributed significantly toward a common, Euro-Atlantic, security culture - and
most importantly, this culture is built on common values.
The EAPC and PfP have also stimulated, and supported,
defence reform in many Partner countries. NATOÂ’s partnership has helped
many nations to build modern, effective and democratically responsible armed
forces and other defence institutions, and has also helped many Partner nations
to manage the social and material consequences of such reform efforts.
The EAPC has also played an invaluable role in helping to
prepare 10 nations for the responsibilities of NATO membership, and a number of
other Partner countries are following the same path. Yet the EAPC has also
provided a unique instrument for those countries who are not seeking membership
of NATO.
But allow me to say a few words about those countries that
do aspire to NATO membership. And this leads me directly on to one of the
subjects for discussion here today: Prospects for the Euro-Atlantic Integration
of the Balkans.
The Balkans is an integral part of Europe and our goal
must therefore be that all BalkansÂ’ countries ultimately, become full
members of the Euro-Atlantic family of institutions. Indeed, I see full
Euro-Atlantic integration as the only viable path for the countries of the
region to take. But it is also clear that the countries of this region are
at different stages of development in preparing for the responsibilities that
such membership brings.
NATO, of course, has already been actively involved
in many aspects of this development process, and will continue to be so.
After all, it is in the interest of everyone, not just the people of this
region, that the Balkans continues its transition from a war-torn region to one
that is peaceful and stable – from a region that required external security
assistance, to one that is increasingly able to contribute to security
assistance in other troubled regions of the world. In short, we need the
Balkans to transition from being a security importer to being a security
exporter.
Albania, Croatia and our host nation, the former Yugoslav
Republic of Macedonia1, are all currently pursuing a range of reforms
within the framework of the Membership Action Plan, to prepare themselves for
the responsibilities and obligations of NATO membership. I say to them as
I have said before, and I shall say many times again, if you like it or not,
in the future, NATOÂ’s Door is open to those countries that meet NATOÂ’s
performance based standards and are able to contribute to Euro-Atlantic security
and stability. And this means that for these three countries, much depends
on them successfully addressing all the outstanding issues that were pointed out
to them during the recent review meetings they had with us at the NATO
Headquarters in Brussels. My message to all NATO’s Aspirants is this: “if
you fully honour your commitments to the Alliance to reform, then the Alliance
will honour its commitment to you”.
Of course, as Albania, Croatia and our hosts continue
their steps towards even closer integration into Euro-Atlantic structures, three
other Balkan nations have recently taken their first steps in that
direction. Bosnia & Herzegovina, Montenegro and Serbia were all
invited to join the EAPC and the PfP by NATO Heads of State and Government in
Riga last year, and these countries are now working closely with NATO to ensure
their effective integration into the relevant structures. When they issued
the invitations at the Riga Summit, NATO Heads of State and Government
reaffirmed the importance they attach to the values and principles set out in
the EAPC and PfP basic documents, and notably expected Serbia and Bosnia &
Herzegovina to cooperate fully with the ICTY in the Hague. And I have to
say that recent progress in this respect is encouraging.
Although Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro and Serbia are
relative latecomers to the Partnership for Peace, my message is: take full
advantage of all the cooperative programmes that are on offer. We want you
to catch up and to enjoy the same prospects for Euro-Atlantic integration that
are on the table for your neighbours in this region.
The inclusion of all Balkan countries in the EAPC offers
the opportunity not just for substantially expanded and enhanced relations with
the countries of the region, but also the opportunity for all EAPC members to
engage in comprehensive and inclusive discussions on the security issues
affecting the region.
And the biggest issue affecting this region at the moment
is Kosovo. Development of the region and Euro-Atlantic integration will be
slowed if we do not find a solution for the status of Kosovo. There is, I
think, a fair, firm and comprehensive basis for a Security Council decision,
based on the Ahtisaari proposals. NATO and its Partners are active and
will stay active in KFOR to guarantee security and stability in Kosovo. It
is important at this moment for all to exercise restraint and calm and I
think we should prevent unnecessary delay in trying to find a solution for the
status of Kosovo. I think we should try to prevent unnecessary delay in
trying to find a solution. IÂ’ll go to Pristina later today to talk to all
the relevant interlocutors. And I can add to my written text that the
16,000 men and women of KFOR are there to guarantee this climate of security and
stability in Kosovo. No-one should have any illusion that he or she
could change the situation by means of violence. KFOR is there to prevent
that and will prevent it.
Let me now move shift focus from the Balkans to
Afghanistan. Afghanistan is another subject on todayÂ’s programme and it is
very clearly at the top of the AllianceÂ’s agenda. Because in Afghanistan
and especially in the south of the country, we have faced, and continue to face,
serious combat action to counter those forces who want to frustrate our
reconstruction efforts. But despite this, I remain convinced that we will
succeed in our UN-mandated mission, and I should like to share with you some of
my thoughts on what I believe to be the key elements for the international
community, and NATO, to be successful there.
First, we have to increase our effort on development,
especially on economic reconstruction. We must never lose sight of one
fundamental fact: our ultimate success will not come by way of a military
victory, but will depend primarily on reconstruction and development.
Quite simply, in Afghanistan and elsewhere, stability will not survive for long
without jobs, electricity, roads, schools, or teachers.
Next, we must also redouble our efforts to train the
Afghan National Army. The Afghan people are keen to assume full
responsibility for security and we need to help them to develop a functioning
National Army, together with an effective police force. Again, more offers
have been made recently to support our training efforts, but additional
resources for the training teams are still required, and we also need to
accelerate the provision of equipment to the Afghan National Army. More
army and police forces will show the Afghan population that their own forces are
playing a more important role, and crucially, will help us to hold territory for
reconstruction.
Of course, we must keep up the military pressure.
This is why we have increased our overall troop strength to over 40,000.
Let me say here, again, how much I value the efforts of those partners who are
contributing troops, as well as of those partners who are providing a broad
range of other types of support. But, as always, I ask myself, and you
should be asking yourselves, can we do more? And my answer is
certainly to this rhetorical question is: Yes, definitely we can all do
more. So, to all 49 nations of the EAPC, I ask that you consider what
additional contributions you could make to this vital operation – an operation
which offers the opportunity to bring greater stability and security to all our
nations, and indeed to the whole of the international community.
While maintaining this military pressure, we will do our
utmost to reduce the loss of innocent civilian life. To achieve this, we
are seeking ways to further enhance cooperation between the NATO-led ISAF and
the US-led Operation Enduring Freedom, as well as, of course, first and
foremost, with the Afghan authorities. We will investigate incidents
promptly and we need to make better use of the humanitarian funds that are
available to help families and communities affected by conflict. But this
will also require nations – you in other words – and not only NATO nations, but
also Partner nations, to invest more in these funds.
Let me make one point unmistakably clear - NATO has never
killed and will never intentionally kill innocent civilians. The majority of
civilian casualties in Afghanistan have been caused by Taliban suicide bombs and
roadside bombs. They, our opponents, show absolutely no hesitation
to slaughter or maim the Afghan people with their indiscriminate attacks – they
even take their wives and children with them on suicide missions to reduce the
chances of them being caught. Quite simply, NATO and our opponents are in
totally different moral categories, and we should not forget this. Talking
about Afghanistan, letÂ’s also never forget to be solidly behind our men and
women in uniform in Afghanistan who are doing the job for us.
So, for Afghanistan, to my final requirement - the need
for a comprehensive approach. We need to apply military and civilian
instruments in a coordinated way, including those civil instruments – an
interesting theme for this seminar - that are the responsibility of other
organisations, such as the UN, the European Union, the World Bank, and the
NGOs. That is why the latest UN Security Council mandate to UNAMA is so
important, as it emphasises the UNÂ’s leading role in bringing the international
efforts together in support of the Afghan authorities. And while NATO has
made it perfectly clear that it remains fully committed to playing its full part
in this comprehensive approach, I look to all EAPC members to play their full
part as well. I remain convinced that it is the effective application of a
comprehensive approach by the whole of the international community, including
the EAPC, that will enable us to win not just the conflict, but also the peace,
in Afghanistan.
Finally, having given you my thoughts on two of todayÂ’s
discussion themes, let me turn to the third – energy security.
Comme vous le savez, ce sujet me tient à coeur, car je
suis fermement convaincu que l'OTAN a un rôle à jouer. Je suis donc très heureux
qu’il soit débattu au cours de ce Forum, étant donné qu’il concerne aussi bien
les Alliés que les Partenaires. Après tout, bon nombre des pays ici présents
sont des producteurs d’énergie, et tous sont certainement des consommateurs – si
bien que la sécurité des approvisionnements est vraiment une question d’intérêt
commun.
À Riga l’an dernier, les chefs d’État et de gouvernement
des pays de lÂ’OTAN se sont tous dits en faveur dÂ’une action internationale
concertée visant à évaluer les risques auxquels les infrastructures énergétiques
sont exposées et à promouvoir la sécurité de ces infrastructures. C’est dans cet
esprit qu’ils ont donné instruction au Conseil en session permanente de tenir
des consultations sur les risques les plus immédiats dans le secteur de la
sécurité énergétique, en vue de déterminer les domaines dans lesquels l’OTAN
pourrait apporter une valeur ajoutée pour protéger les intérêts sécuritaires des
Alliés et, sur demande, contribuer aux efforts nationaux et
internationaux.
Personnellement, je vois trois domaines où l’OTAN serait
en mesure d’apporter cette « valeur ajoutée », et j’espère que nous
pourrons bientôt nous mettre d’accord sur les activités qu’elle devra mener dans
chacun dÂ’eux :
Tout dÂ’abord, lÂ’OTAN pourrait envisager dÂ’apporter un
soutien aux Alliés et aux Partenaires dans les situations de risque accru pour
les infrastructures énergétiques essentielles se trouvant sur leur territoire.
Je suis bien conscient que ces infrastructures critiques relèvent avant tout de
la responsabilité des pays, mais dans certaines circonstances, comme un attentat
terroriste ou une catastrophe naturelle, une aide internationale pourrait être
indispensable. Les moyens militaires de l'Alliance, de même que ses capacités
dans le domaine des plans civils dÂ’urgence et des secours en cas de catastrophe,
pourraient alors s’avérer bien utiles.
En deuxième lieu, le rôle de l'OTAN dans la “connaissance
du domaine maritime” pourrait être accru. La protection des eaux territoriales
reste la responsabilité des pays, mais la question des lignes de communication
maritimes mérite également d’être examinée. Si l’on en juge par le succès de
l’“Opération Active Endeavour”, les forces opérationnelles maritimes
multinationales apparaissent de plus en plus comme un domaine dans lequel lÂ’OTAN
pourrait développer des capacités.
Enfin, l’OTAN, a mon avis, pourrait mener des activités de
formation et des exercices avec ses Partenaires afin de fournir son expertise et
son aide dans le domaine de la protection des infrastructures essentielles. Nous
pourrions également partager les évaluations des risques.
Mesdames et Messieurs les Ministres, Excellences, Mesdames
et Messieurs,
J’ai indiqué au début que mon intervention serait axée sur
le rôle essentiel du CPEA dans la prise en charge des défis qui se posent
aujourdÂ’hui. Le CPEA offre aux pays un certain nombre dÂ’instruments qui leur
permettent de mieux comprendre les questions de sécurité des uns et des autres
ainsi que la manière dont elles s’inscrivent dans l’environnement international.
Il donne également à ses pays membres l’occasion de façonner cet environnement,
plutôt que de le subir. Le Forum sur la sécurité est l’un des instruments les
plus récents du CPEA, et nous devrions le mettre à profit – non seulement pour
promouvoir le dialogue entre les gouvernements des pays membres et la société
civile au sens large, mais aussi pour enrichir le contenu de nos réunions au
niveau des Ambassadeurs qui se tiennent régulièrement au siège de
lÂ’OTAN.
Je conclurai en disant que je viens de vous livrer
quelques-unes de mes réflexions sur les trois thèmes inscrits au programme de ce
jour. Mais je ne doute pas que les éminents experts réunis ici aujourd’hui ont
leur propre point de vue sur ces questions et sur la manière dont les membres du
Conseil de partenariat euro-atlantique peuvent y répondre de façon plus
efficace. Je me réjouis à la perspective d’un débat particulièrement intéressant
et fructueux. Je vous remercie.