NATO Secretary General’s speech at Tbilisi University
TBILISI, GEORGIA -- 16 SEPTEMBER 2008
Ladies and
Gentlemen,
Dear
friends,
Let me start by thanking Rector Georgi Khubua for his kind words of
introduction. I have very fond
memories of my previous visits to Tbilisi University, and I have been looking forward to
coming back.
There
was, of course, every reason for me to come back. When I was here last, in October of
2007, less than a year ago, no one could have predicted the dramatic events that
have recently unfolded in this country.
I have come back to Tbilisi this week, together with the members of the North
Atlantic Council, NATO’s most senior political body, to demonstrate the
Alliance’s strong support for
Georgia - and for the democratic choices which
Georgia has made, and will continue to
make.
A lot has been said and written about NATO these last few weeks in
connection with the crisis in your country. Regrettably, many of those observations
have been based on quite serious misunderstandings of what the
Alliance is about, and how it functions. And so I appreciate this opportunity to
talk to you about NATO, our response to the recent events here, and the evolving
relationship between Georgia and the Alliance .
NATO has stood by Georgia in the recent crisis, and we will
continue to do so. We have given
our full backing to the robust diplomacy of President Sarkozy in his capacity of
the EU Presidency and the EU, and strong backing to the six-principle agreement
signed by the Georgian and Russian Presidents. We have urged - and continue to urge - its rapid and
complete implementation. NATO has
also reiterated - in no uncertain terms - the importance of full respect for
Georgia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity –
and of finding negotiated, peaceful solutions to the conflicts in this region,
instead of taking unilateral action.
Our continued support for Georgia is clear in the NATO-Georgia Joint
Statement that we have issued on the occasion of this
visit.
Moreover, we have not only condemned
Russia’s decision to extend recognition to the
South
Ossetia and
Abkhazia regions of Georgia, but also called upon
Moscow to reverse that decision. Because it is a wrong decision. We have
made clear to Russia that we can not continue with “business
as usual” – in our relations with Russia and so we have started a review of our
cooperation. And we have strongly
refuted any suggestion by the Russian Government that NATO should somehow choose
between Russia and
Georgia.
NATO will continue to stand by
Georgia – but neither will we close our doors to
Russia.
That would not be the right thing to do, nor would it be in our
interest.
Russia is a reality that we cannot ignore - and
do not want to ignore. Nor are we
in the business of punishing Russia.
As a matter of fact, looking at the international isolation that
Russia has got itself into,
Russia is really punishing itself. Not only NATO, but also the European
Union, have criticised Moscow.
Russia did not get the support it wanted from
the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation – in which it is a member. And the Russian economy has already felt
the impact of last month’s events: just look at the decline of the Russian stock
market for evidence of that.
No, punishing Russia is not the way forward. The way forward really is to help
Georgia.
Your country is located where it is – it cannot pack up and move to a
quieter part of the world.
Ultimately, Georgia and
Russia will have to co-exist. But this will only work if
Georgia is sufficiently confident, stable and
secure – and seen as such by all its neighbours. And we in NATO want to help
Georgia move forward again in that
direction.
In the wake of the “Rose Revolution” of 2003, this country has set out on
a bold reform course. Over the past
few years, with NATO’s encouragement and assistance,
Georgia
has made remarkable progress in democratic, judicial, economic and defence
reform: even if I must be frank and say that there is more that Georgia must
still do to meet NATO’s democratic standards fully. Let me mention in this connection the
organisation and conduct of elections, an independent, unbiased media, and a
mature, constructive dialogue between government and opposition So while I salute Georgia’s remarkable
progress, I want to see this effort continuing.
That said, Georgia has also clearly demonstrated that it
wants to be a provider of security, and not a mere consumer. It has contributed forces to
international stabilisation missions, including the NATO-led operations in
Kosovo and Afghanistan.
NATO
greatly appreciates Georgia’s willingness to share these burdens with
us.
Today, there is a strong consensus among the NATO Allies that we should
continue to intensify our political dialogue with
Georgia, to extend our practical cooperation, and
to further deepen our relationship.
Our key priority at this moment is to assist
Georgia in relieving the humanitarian crisis and
recovering from the destruction that was caused last month. We have begun to provide concrete
assistance in repairing transportation and communication links and to ensure the
safety of air traffic. We have sent
NATO teams to Georgia in the areas of civil emergency planning
and defence reform to assess your needs and help channel assistance
effectively. We are pushing ahead
with our Trust Fund to help you destroy dangerous munitions and also to help
Georgia with de-mining. Allies have provided assistance to
Georgia to protect your computer systems against
cyber attacks. I cite these
examples to demonstrate that we will help you not just in words but in deeds as
well; particularly in helping this country to recover as quickly as possible
from the immediate crisis. But we
are obviously keen to get our longer-term cooperation back on track as soon as
possible as well.
Of course, the Georgian Government has made it very clear for some time
that it wishes not just to cooperate with NATO, but for Georgia to become a
member of the Alliance sooner rather than later. At their last
Summit in Bucharest in April, NATO Heads of State and
Government recognised Georgia’s Euro-Atlantic aspirations, and agreed
that it will become a member of NATO eventually. In the wake of last month’s crisis, we
proposed the creation of a NATO-Georgia Commission to help to guide and expand
our cooperation and to supervise the process that was set in train in
Bucharest.
We held a very successful first meeting of that Commission here in
Tbilisi yesterday.
It is not only a clear demonstration of NATO’s political commitment to
Georgia, but also a major vehicle for
Georgia to enhance its cooperation, and move
closer towards the Alliance.
I say again what I said here last October: The process of NATO enlargement will
continue, with due caution, but also with a clear purpose – to help create a
stable, undivided Europe, in which democratically-elected governments are free
to make domestic and foreign policy choices that they believe to be in the
interest of their countries, and their citizens. No other country will have a veto over
that process, nor will we allow our strong ties to
Georgia to be broken by outside military
intervention, and pressures.
Georgia has a rightful place in this
Europe. It has
already made great strides to occupy that place. And while the events of last month may
have been a setback, the road to NATO is still wide open for
Georgia.
Now some of you may feel that road is very long, and wonder how long it
will still take for Georgia to be admitted into NATO. In this context, it is important to
understand that NATO operates by consensus. Since the
Alliance is made up of sovereign, democratic
nations -- with no single nation laying down the law as was the case with the
Warsaw Pact -- this has sometimes led to difficult debates. But on the other hand, NATO has drawn
considerable strength from the very process of consensus-building among its
member nations. The efficiency of
the Alliance’s decision-making was never really
affected, even when it grew from 16 to 26 member nations. And NATO’s unanimous decisions have
always carried more political weight than any majority decisions could have ever
had.
It is no secret that, at the moment, while all 26 NATO Allies agree that
Georgia will one day be a member of the
Alliance, there are different views on how fast
Georgia should be admitted into our Membership
Action Plan, which will help it to intensify its preparations. The Allies have agreed that Foreign
Ministers will make a first assessment of
Georgia’s application for the MAP – as well as
that of Ukraine – when they meet again in
Brussels in December. I sincerely believe that - by continuing on the reform course,
acting responsibly, working with international institutions, pursuing the
peaceful resolution of conflicts, and contributing to security both at home and
abroad - Georgia will be able to foster greater consensus among the NATO Allies
on the timing of its entry into MAP and its eventual membership in NATO. While the final decision will always
rest with the NATO Allies, there is much that
Georgia can and should do to influence that
decision. In this respect, let me
be clear: Georgia has suffered a major shock; but the way
to respond is not to stop your democratic reforms or to engage in a polarized
stand-off between government and opposition. That might be the easy course but it
would be the wrong course. The way
ahead for Georgia – for its security and increased
engagement with its Western partners – is to push ahead with reform and to
improve further its democratic institutions and practices. When others are acting irresponsibly,
Georgia must be a predictable, responsible
partner.
Ladies
and Gentlemen,
Dear
friends,
NATO has
stood by the Georgian people, and it will continue to do so – by offering
support and encouragement for the democratic choices you have made and will
continue to make. I would ask you,
as members of a generation that has the most to gain from the path of democracy,
reform and integration, to play your full part in advancing this
process.
Five
years ago, the “Rose Revolution” was a strong affirmation of the right of the
Georgian people to choose their own leaders, and to plan their own future. It is up to you to keep that spirit
alive, and to carry the flame of freedom and democracy forward. The future of
Georgia truly is in your
hands.
Thank
you.