“Projecting Stability”

 

Speech by NATO Secretary General Jaap de Hoop Scheffer

at the “Fundacion para las Relaciones Internacionales

y el Dialogo Exterior” (FRIDE)

 

Madrid, Spain -- 10 July 2006

 

 

Ladies and Gentlemen,

 

              It is a pleasure to be at FRIDE today.  This institute has a strong reputation for taking a broad view of security – taking democracy and democratic values as a starting point.  It is a view that I, and the NATO Allies, share. 

 

              Democracy, individual liberty and the rule of law form the foundation upon which the North Atlantic Alliance is built.  But these values cannot be taken for granted.  They are constantly under threat be it from terrorism, from the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction or from the effects of failed and failing states. 

 

              Just a few days ago, the North Atlantic Council reacted to missile tests by North Korea, calling on North Korea to verifiably end its nuclear and related programmes.  North Korean activities represent a threat international security and all of us in international community must be prepared to respond firmly.

 

              We have a responsibility to defend our values - and sometimes, that responsibility, regrettably, has a price.  A high price which has been paid by Spain in the past and as recently as yesterday when a Spanish soldier lost his life in Afghanistan. Yet, despite these tragic losses, Spain has continued to provide strong support for the Alliance, because you understand how important it is to defend our core values.

 

              So, to defend our values against this and other new threats, NATO, as a political-military Alliance, requires a range of tools: stronger partnerships and partnerships with key Nations; not a global NATO but a NATO with global partners that share our values; we also need closer cooperation with other international organisations, in particular the United Nations and the European Union; enhanced political dialogue on security issues; as well as stronger military capabilities.  This broad approach to security - projecting stability - is demonstrated by the wide geographic and functional range of NATO’s current operational commitments.  And it is demonstrated most clearly of all in our operation in Afghanistan.

 

Afghanistan is the Alliance’s top priority.  We must not fail in our mission there.  We have to prevent Afghanistan once again exporting terrorism.  Madrid knows only too well the consequences of that form of terrorism.  Other Allies have also suffered the horrendous consequences of such terrorist attacks.  And that is why we have to be engaged in Afghanistan, and why NATO has to succeed.

 

NATO’s objective is clear.  Under a UN mandate, we support the Government of Afghanistan by assisting them to provide the necessary security so that reconstruction and development can take place. This is a longer term commitment. 

 

The security situation is demanding, but we should build on the success we have already had in the North and West of the country. Our strategy has already delivered improvements in security and in the quality of life for many of the Afghani people.  And Spain has made, and continues to make, a major contribution to that success.

 

NATO and its partners, 37 nations in all, are making a major military effort in Afghanistan.  This is essential, but it is not enough. We need key civilian actors, the UN, the EU, the G8 and NGOs, among others, to redouble their efforts at civilian reconstruction and building the capacity of Afghan institutions. And we need the Afghan government to assume ownership in key areas, such as counter-narcotics.

 

It is clear that we are being tested by the enemies of democracy there.  And as NATO-ISAF progressively takes responsibility for more of the country, they will test us even further.  But we will continue to respond fairly, resolutely and robustly – with all Allies providing full political and military support to this vital operation, we will prevail. 

 

              But Afghanistan is not our only engagement.  NATO’s commitment to the Balkans is unwavering. The Alliance’s political determination and its military operations have made a vital contribution to stopping the fighting and setting the countries of the region well on the road to Euro-Atlantic integration.  NATO can be proud of what it has achieved so far in assisting the region, but more remains to be done – by NATO,  by other organisations, and by the countries themselves.

 

              In Bosnia and Herzegovina, through the NATO Headquarters Sarajevo, NATO continues to provide advice and assistance, especially in the field of Defence Reform.  A single military force has been created from armies that were at war with each other only 10 years ago – a truly remarkable achievement.

 

              And in Kosovo, NATO troops, with an important Spanish contingent, continue to keep the peace and provide the safe environment for the UN-sponsored status talks to proceed.  The outcome of these talks later this year will be a key step in the further stabilisation of the region.  NATO will remain committed to Kosovo as long as needed.

 

              In Iraq, NATO is training Iraqi security forces to allow them to take on more responsibility for their own security.  And in Africa, African Union peacekeeping troops are being airlifted into the Darfur region of Sudan by NATO aircraft, and we are also providing headquarters training to that force. In the Mediterranean, NATO navies in operation ACTIVE ENDEAVOUR are conducting anti-terrorism patrols.

 

              And as you know, with significant Spanish support, we delivered emergency humanitarian relief to the victims of last October’s earthquake in Pakistan.  I would like to say how much I appreciated Spain’s efforts in this regard. It was a “first” in many respects for NATO, and clearly demonstrated the flexibility of the Alliance; the validity of our Response Force; and the wide utility of the Alliance’s unique skills, capabilities, and command structure.  And of course, it also demonstrated again the important role performed by Spain’s armed forces in NATO operations.

 

              These operational commitments I’ve just described, across three continents, show in the clearest possible way how much NATO has changed, or, to use the NATO jargon, transformed.  And that transformation is embodied in NATO’s new approach to security - projecting stability.  To ensure that we can continue to pursue this approach successfully, NATO Heads of State and Government will meet, in Riga, in November, to direct the continuing transformation of the Alliance.

 

Although the Riga meeting is still several months away, and new issues might need to be raised at the meeting in response to world events, I currently anticipate that the Riga agenda will focus on three “baskets” of work.  The first of these covers our operations.  This then links to the second, which covers our military capabilities.  And the third covers the major political issues.  Let me say a few words about some of the principal topics in each of these baskets.

 

              I have already spoken about out operations and commitments.  At Riga, I expect Heads of State and Government will provide direction for their further development.  For example, they will need to consider the situation in Afghanistan.  They will need to consider how NATO’s military and political engagement can continue to contribute to the future development of Kosovo.  And they will need to consider their response to any additional requests for assistance relating to the crisis in Darfur.

 

              But Heads of State and Government will also want to ensure that NATO has the right capabilities to maximise our chances of success on these operations and missions.  And this leads me to the second “basket” of work at Riga - our military capabilities.

 

              To project stability, the Alliance needs forces that can react quickly; that can be deployed over strategic distance, and then sustained over a long period of time.  And we are aiming to achieve forces that are capable of performing both the high intensity combat tasks and post-conflict peacekeeping and reconstruction work.

 

              We have already made good progress in developing such capabilities.  The NATO Response Force, for example, has just passed a critical test in a major exercise on Cape Verde, again with a considerable Spanish contribution.  And it should be fully operational by the time of the Riga Summit.

 

              But we need to do more.  We need to acquire access to more strategic airlift, to develop and strengthen our special forces and to enhance deployability and sustainability capabilities. 

 

              We also need to better match our political decisions and military commitments and make it easier for nations to commit to operations.  So, we are reviewing our force planning and force generation procedures.  And we are looking closely at our funding arrangements   All these steps will ensure that future missions can be better planned, equipped, and paid for.

 

              And on the subject of “paid for”, let me point out that military transformation does not come free – it has to be funded.  To be perfectly blunt, if Allies wish to attain the political ambitions that they have set for NATO, then there simply is no alternative than to provide the necessary resources and capabilities, if necessary by raising defence spending.

 

              It is and will remain the responsibility of each allied nation to make the appropriate efforts and contributions to NATO operations and missions. But we have to avoid that the perspective of very costly short notice deployments become a disincentive to future contributions. That is why we are looking into possibilities for the judicious use of common funding, notably in the key area of strategic lift.

 

Finally, at Riga, there is the political “basket”.  This includes enlargement, our partnerships, and a training initiative.  NATO’s enlargement policy has already contributed significantly to spreading stability and security, especially through Central and Eastern Europe. And at Riga, we will wish to emphasise our continued commitment to the open door policy and to further enlargement of this Alliance.  But I do not expect invitations to join the Alliance to be issued.  Instead, I believe Allies will probably encourage our three current membership aspirants, Albania, Croatia and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia^[1], to continue the efforts they are making to qualify for membership.  And Allies will probably also announce their further responses to Ukraine’s, as well as to Georgia’s, declared interest in joining the Alliance.

 

NATO’s partnerships are another success story. We have been building links with non-member countries since the end of the Cold War.  First throughout Europe, the Caucasus and Central Asia.  Then, with strong Spanish support, we reached out across the Mediterranean to states in Northern Africa and the Middle East.  And most recently, we started to build new ties to states in the Gulf region. 

 

At Riga, we will seek to preserve the elements of our partnership frameworks that work well, and at the same time make them even more valuable – both for our partners, and for the Alliance.  And we shall look to build closer ties with interested countries such as Australia, New Zealand, South Korea and Japan.  These countries share our values, and they share our security concerns.  They have demonstrated an increasing readiness to assume security responsibilities beyond their own borders, and have expressed a desire to work more closely with NATO.  But let me be clear, cooperating with such faraway partners will not turn NATO into a global policeman.  It will, however, allow us to build global coalitions.  And that is a key requirement for projecting stability.

 

              We are also looking to further enhance our outreach to our partners in the Mediterranean Dialogue and Istanbul Cooperation Initiative. The idea of a NATO training initiative has received widespread support and interest.  The initial focus of such an initiative would be the countries from the broader Middle East region, but I hope that other regions could be involved at a later stage as well.

 

I have highlighted for you the key subjects for the Riga summit this November. But it would be wrong to think that these are the only issues on NATO’s plate.  The Alliance’s overall agenda is broader. Independent of the summit, we continue to work closely with Russia and look to deepen this essential relationship even further. 

 

And we continue to work towards establishing closer ties with other institutions, notably the EU and the UN.  We need effective relationships with the other international institutions and non-governmental organisations, so that we are all working to the same end, with as little duplication of effort and mutual interference as possible.  Cooperation on the ground is working relatively well, but we need greater cooperation at the institutional level.

 

I appreciate that this is a sensitive field, raising as it does questions about the scope of the Alliance’s activities.  And the last thing I would wish to suggest is that NATO should claim ownership over, or a lead-role in, reconstruction or other tasks that are traditionally dealt with by others. Nor should we feel tempted to develop capabilities strictly for civilian purposes. But I do strongly believe we need to improve the coordination of effort across the international community

 

              Finally, we must continue to strengthen the role of NATO as a forum for political dialogue.  No security related topic should be off limits.  It is absolutely essential that we do not shy away from debating the key issues, especially those relating to NATO’s roles in matters such as energy security and humanitarian relief operations.  Because discussion and debate are healthy and are the preconditions for consensus. 

 

Ladies and Gentlemen,

 

              At the start of my remarks I highlighted the fundamental common values of freedom and democracy and I explained how NATO’s approach plays a vital role in safeguarding those values.  And this approach depends on Allies accepting the responsibility to act where and when required – whether the issue is to prevent terrorism or to provide humanitarian relief. 

 

              Let me conclude by saying once again that I am deeply grateful for Spain’s commitment.  It is this strong sense of solidarity that underpins NATO – and that will ensure that our Alliance can continue to project security and safeguard the values that we in NATO, and you at FRIDE, hold so dear.