Ministers, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,
It gives me a great pleasure, as the Chairman of the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council, to set the scene for our discussions today. Our first event of this nature, held two years ago, in Ã…re, Sweden, was a real success. And I have similar high hopes for todayÂ’s meeting. After all, gathered before me are Ministers and senior representatives from across the 49 NATO and Partner countries, as well as parliamentarians, academics, and members of International Organisations, Non Governmental Organisations, the press and media. And it is a particular pleasure to welcome our representatives from Afghanistan. It is this broader cross-section of society, in addition to the professional security specialists, who can enrich our debate with new ideas, as well as ensure that our debate remains anchored in the realm of reality.
It was 10 years ago in Sintra, in Portugal, that the EAPC was established. And our Forum here today can be considered an appropriate anniversary. From its outset, the EAPC was designed to be a flexible mechanism that would develop through practice. And indeed, as a framework for practical cooperation between Allies and Partners, as well as for enhancing political dialogue, it has been evolved considerably, and has been most successful. Which is why my address this morning - “Promoting Peace and Stability: Current Challenges and Solutions” - will focus on the role of the EAPC as a key contributor to solving today’s challenges.
If I look at the practical focus of the EAPC and its associated Partnership for Peace, we have already made a good deal of progress in preparing our military forces to work together seamlessly. Thirteen EAPC countries are currently making extremely valuable contributions to NATO-led operations here in the Balkans, in the Mediterranean, as well as in Afghanistan. This Partner participation is a most welcome feature, and I shall return to it later.
But the EAPC, with the PfP, are far more than mechanisms for encouraging military interoperability and strengthening NATOÂ’s ability to work practically with Partners. They have also helped develop political and institutional interoperability between Allies and Partners. They have helped to build an impressive Euro-Atlantic network of political leaders, diplomats, soldiers and civil servants who can speak the same language, work together, and solve problems together. In short, the EAPC and PfP have contributed significantly toward a common, Euro-Atlantic, security culture - and most importantly, this culture is built on common values.
The EAPC and PfP have also stimulated, and supported, defence reform in many Partner countries. NATOÂ’s partnership has helped many nations to build modern, effective and democratically responsible armed forces and other defence institutions, and has also helped many Partner nations to manage the social and material consequences of such reform efforts.
The EAPC has also played an invaluable role in helping to prepare 10 nations for the responsibilities of NATO membership, and a number of other Partner countries are following the same path. Yet the EAPC has also provided a unique instrument for those countries who are not seeking membership of NATO.
But allow me to say a few words about those countries that do aspire to NATO membership. And this leads me directly on to one of the subjects for discussion here today: Prospects for the Euro-Atlantic Integration of the Balkans.
The Balkans is an integral part of Europe and our goal must therefore be that all BalkansÂ’ countries ultimately, become full members of the Euro-Atlantic family of institutions. Indeed, I see full Euro-Atlantic integration as the only viable path for the countries of the region to take. But it is also clear that the countries of this region are at different stages of development in preparing for the responsibilities that such membership brings.
NATO, of course, has already been actively involved in many aspects of this development process, and will continue to be so. After all, it is in the interest of everyone, not just the people of this region, that the Balkans continues its transition from a war-torn region to one that is peaceful and stable – from a region that required external security assistance, to one that is increasingly able to contribute to security assistance in other troubled regions of the world. In short, we need the Balkans to transition from being a security importer to being a security exporter.
Albania, Croatia and our host nation, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia1, are all currently pursuing a range of reforms within the framework of the Membership Action Plan, to prepare themselves for the responsibilities and obligations of NATO membership. I say to them as I have said before, and I shall say many times again, if you like it or not, in the future, NATO’s Door is open to those countries that meet NATO’s performance based standards and are able to contribute to Euro-Atlantic security and stability. And this means that for these three countries, much depends on them successfully addressing all the outstanding issues that were pointed out to them during the recent review meetings they had with us at the NATO Headquarters in Brussels. My message to all NATO’s Aspirants is this: “if you fully honour your commitments to the Alliance to reform, then the Alliance will honour its commitment to you”.
Of course, as Albania, Croatia and our hosts continue their steps towards even closer integration into Euro-Atlantic structures, three other Balkan nations have recently taken their first steps in that direction. Bosnia & Herzegovina, Montenegro and Serbia were all invited to join the EAPC and the PfP by NATO Heads of State and Government in Riga last year, and these countries are now working closely with NATO to ensure their effective integration into the relevant structures. When they issued the invitations at the Riga Summit, NATO Heads of State and Government reaffirmed the importance they attach to the values and principles set out in the EAPC and PfP basic documents, and notably expected Serbia and Bosnia & Herzegovina to cooperate fully with the ICTY in the Hague. And I have to say that recent progress in this respect is encouraging.
Although Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro and Serbia are relative latecomers to the Partnership for Peace, my message is: take full advantage of all the cooperative programmes that are on offer. We want you to catch up and to enjoy the same prospects for Euro-Atlantic integration that are on the table for your neighbours in this region.
The inclusion of all Balkan countries in the EAPC offers the opportunity not just for substantially expanded and enhanced relations with the countries of the region, but also the opportunity for all EAPC members to engage in comprehensive and inclusive discussions on the security issues affecting the region.
And the biggest issue affecting this region at the moment is Kosovo. Development of the region and Euro-Atlantic integration will be slowed if we do not find a solution for the status of Kosovo. There is, I think, a fair, firm and comprehensive basis for a Security Council decision, based on the Ahtisaari proposals. NATO and its Partners are active and will stay active in KFOR to guarantee security and stability in Kosovo. It is important at this moment for all to exercise restraint and calm and I think we should prevent unnecessary delay in trying to find a solution for the status of Kosovo. I think we should try to prevent unnecessary delay in trying to find a solution. IÂ’ll go to Pristina later today to talk to all the relevant interlocutors. And I can add to my written text that the 16,000 men and women of KFOR are there to guarantee this climate of security and stability in Kosovo. No-one should have any illusion that he or she could change the situation by means of violence. KFOR is there to prevent that and will prevent it.
Let me now move shift focus from the Balkans to Afghanistan. Afghanistan is another subject on todayÂ’s programme and it is very clearly at the top of the AllianceÂ’s agenda. Because in Afghanistan and especially in the south of the country, we have faced, and continue to face, serious combat action to counter those forces who want to frustrate our reconstruction efforts. But despite this, I remain convinced that we will succeed in our UN-mandated mission, and I should like to share with you some of my thoughts on what I believe to be the key elements for the international community, and NATO, to be successful there.
First, we have to increase our effort on development, especially on economic reconstruction. We must never lose sight of one fundamental fact: our ultimate success will not come by way of a military victory, but will depend primarily on reconstruction and development. Quite simply, in Afghanistan and elsewhere, stability will not survive for long without jobs, electricity, roads, schools, or teachers.
Next, we must also redouble our efforts to train the Afghan National Army. The Afghan people are keen to assume full responsibility for security and we need to help them to develop a functioning National Army, together with an effective police force. Again, more offers have been made recently to support our training efforts, but additional resources for the training teams are still required, and we also need to accelerate the provision of equipment to the Afghan National Army. More army and police forces will show the Afghan population that their own forces are playing a more important role, and crucially, will help us to hold territory for reconstruction.
Of course, we must keep up the military pressure. This is why we have increased our overall troop strength to over 40,000. Let me say here, again, how much I value the efforts of those partners who are contributing troops, as well as of those partners who are providing a broad range of other types of support. But, as always, I ask myself, and you should be asking yourselves, can we do more? And my answer is certainly to this rhetorical question is: Yes, definitely we can all do more. So, to all 49 nations of the EAPC, I ask that you consider what additional contributions you could make to this vital operation – an operation which offers the opportunity to bring greater stability and security to all our nations, and indeed to the whole of the international community.
While maintaining this military pressure, we will do our utmost to reduce the loss of innocent civilian life. To achieve this, we are seeking ways to further enhance cooperation between the NATO-led ISAF and the US-led Operation Enduring Freedom, as well as, of course, first and foremost, with the Afghan authorities. We will investigate incidents promptly and we need to make better use of the humanitarian funds that are available to help families and communities affected by conflict. But this will also require nations – you in other words – and not only NATO nations, but also Partner nations, to invest more in these funds.
Let me make one point unmistakably clear - NATO has never killed and will never intentionally kill innocent civilians. The majority of civilian casualties in Afghanistan have been caused by Taliban suicide bombs and roadside bombs. They, our opponents, show absolutely no hesitation to slaughter or maim the Afghan people with their indiscriminate attacks – they even take their wives and children with them on suicide missions to reduce the chances of them being caught. Quite simply, NATO and our opponents are in totally different moral categories, and we should not forget this. Talking about Afghanistan, let’s also never forget to be solidly behind our men and women in uniform in Afghanistan who are doing the job for us.
So, for Afghanistan, to my final requirement - the need for a comprehensive approach. We need to apply military and civilian instruments in a coordinated way, including those civil instruments – an interesting theme for this seminar - that are the responsibility of other organisations, such as the UN, the European Union, the World Bank, and the NGOs. That is why the latest UN Security Council mandate to UNAMA is so important, as it emphasises the UN’s leading role in bringing the international efforts together in support of the Afghan authorities. And while NATO has made it perfectly clear that it remains fully committed to playing its full part in this comprehensive approach, I look to all EAPC members to play their full part as well. I remain convinced that it is the effective application of a comprehensive approach by the whole of the international community, including the EAPC, that will enable us to win not just the conflict, but also the peace, in Afghanistan.
Finally, having given you my thoughts on two of today’s discussion themes, let me turn to the third – energy security.
Comme vous le savez, ce sujet me tient à coeur, car je suis fermement convaincu que l'OTAN a un rôle à jouer. Je suis donc très heureux qu’il soit débattu au cours de ce Forum, étant donné qu’il concerne aussi bien les Alliés que les Partenaires. Après tout, bon nombre des pays ici présents sont des producteurs d’énergie, et tous sont certainement des consommateurs – si bien que la sécurité des approvisionnements est vraiment une question d’intérêt commun.
À Riga l’an dernier, les chefs d’État et de gouvernement des pays de l’OTAN se sont tous dits en faveur d’une action internationale concertée visant à évaluer les risques auxquels les infrastructures énergétiques sont exposées et à promouvoir la sécurité de ces infrastructures. C’est dans cet esprit qu’ils ont donné instruction au Conseil en session permanente de tenir des consultations sur les risques les plus immédiats dans le secteur de la sécurité énergétique, en vue de déterminer les domaines dans lesquels l’OTAN pourrait apporter une valeur ajoutée pour protéger les intérêts sécuritaires des Alliés et, sur demande, contribuer aux efforts nationaux et internationaux.
Personnellement, je vois trois domaines où l’OTAN serait en mesure d’apporter cette « valeur ajoutée », et j’espère que nous pourrons bientôt nous mettre d’accord sur les activités qu’elle devra mener dans chacun d’eux :
Tout d’abord, l’OTAN pourrait envisager d’apporter un soutien aux Alliés et aux Partenaires dans les situations de risque accru pour les infrastructures énergétiques essentielles se trouvant sur leur territoire. Je suis bien conscient que ces infrastructures critiques relèvent avant tout de la responsabilité des pays, mais dans certaines circonstances, comme un attentat terroriste ou une catastrophe naturelle, une aide internationale pourrait être indispensable. Les moyens militaires de l'Alliance, de même que ses capacités dans le domaine des plans civils d’urgence et des secours en cas de catastrophe, pourraient alors s’avérer bien utiles.
En deuxième lieu, le rôle de l'OTAN dans la “connaissance du domaine maritime” pourrait être accru. La protection des eaux territoriales reste la responsabilité des pays, mais la question des lignes de communication maritimes mérite également d’être examinée. Si l’on en juge par le succès de l’“Opération Active Endeavour”, les forces opérationnelles maritimes multinationales apparaissent de plus en plus comme un domaine dans lequel l’OTAN pourrait développer des capacités.
Enfin, l’OTAN, a mon avis, pourrait mener des activités de formation et des exercices avec ses Partenaires afin de fournir son expertise et son aide dans le domaine de la protection des infrastructures essentielles. Nous pourrions également partager les évaluations des risques.
Mesdames et Messieurs les Ministres, Excellences, Mesdames et Messieurs,
J’ai indiqué au début que mon intervention serait axée sur le rôle essentiel du CPEA dans la prise en charge des défis qui se posent aujourd’hui. Le CPEA offre aux pays un certain nombre d’instruments qui leur permettent de mieux comprendre les questions de sécurité des uns et des autres ainsi que la manière dont elles s’inscrivent dans l’environnement international. Il donne également à ses pays membres l’occasion de façonner cet environnement, plutôt que de le subir. Le Forum sur la sécurité est l’un des instruments les plus récents du CPEA, et nous devrions le mettre à profit – non seulement pour promouvoir le dialogue entre les gouvernements des pays membres et la société civile au sens large, mais aussi pour enrichir le contenu de nos réunions au niveau des Ambassadeurs qui se tiennent régulièrement au siège de l’OTAN.
Je conclurai en disant que je viens de vous livrer quelques-unes de mes réflexions sur les trois thèmes inscrits au programme de ce jour. Mais je ne doute pas que les éminents experts réunis ici aujourd’hui ont leur propre point de vue sur ces questions et sur la manière dont les membres du Conseil de partenariat euro-atlantique peuvent y répondre de façon plus efficace. Je me réjouis à la perspective d’un débat particulièrement intéressant et fructueux. Je vous remercie.
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