Europes New South
Speech by NATO Secretary General, Jaap de Hoop Scheffer at
the Croatia Summit 2007, Dubrovnik, Croatia, 6 July 2007
Mr.
Prime Minister [Sanader],
Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Let me start by saying that I am most honoured,
and very pleased, with the opportunity to deliver the keynote address at
the Croatia Summit 2007meeting.
Europes New Southis a very fitting title indeed. It reflects the
self-confidence of a region that has gone through a lot of agony and
suffering, and yet never gave up the hope that, eventually, there would
be a brighter future.
Europes New Southis also a bold political statement. It signals the
intention of the countries in this region to move from the margins of
Europe right into the mainstream. And I have no doubt that they
have both the determination and the ability to succeed.
The positive change we are now witnessing throughout the entire Southeast
European region is truly remarkable.
Today, all across this region, countries are moving away from radicalism
and nationalism, and opting for cooperation and integration. The
proverbial Balkan Ghostshave been exorcised.
NATO has played its full part in promoting this positive momentum.
For almost one and a half decades, the Atlantic Alliance has been
strongly engaged to help bring peace and stability to this part of
Europe. Over time, as the situation improved, the nature of NATOs
engagement changed.
But what never changed and never will change is our determination to stay
involved, and to help all the countries in this region chart a path
towards a better future.
In NATO, we strongly believe that Euro-Atlantic integration is the only
viable path for the countries in this region to take. Only
Euro-Atlantic integration offers the framework to make the enormous
achievements of this region truly irreversible. And only
Euro-Atlantic integration will enable Southeast Europe, as well as the
rest of our continent, to cope with the challenges of
globalisation.
This Euro-Atlantic integration is now well
underway. Four countries Bulgaria, Hungary, Romania and Slovenia
have already turned from active partners into valued member countries of
the Alliance. They are now an integral part of the vital security
link across the Atlantic. And they each make valuable contributions
to some very challenging NATO missions and operations to uphold our
security, and to defend our common values.
Three other countries in this region Bosnia and
Herzegovina, Montenegro and Serbia became Partners of the Alliance late
last year, when they joined Partnership for Peace and the Euro-Atlantic
Partnership Council. As partners of NATO, they now have a range of
powerful and tested tools available to them to further reform their
security and defence establishments. And they each have access to a
unique forum for political dialogue and consultation on key security
issues not just with the 26 NATO Allies, but with the 22 other Partner
countries of the Alliance as well.
Taken together, that offers our three new partners a real opportunity to
turn a corner and catch up with the rest of the region but only, of
course, if they look to the future instead of the past.
Finally, of course, three other countries in
this region Albania, the former Yugoslav Republic of
Macedonia1, and the host of this Summit, Croatia , are
taking part in NATOs Membership Action Plan, and are all currently
pursuing a range of reforms to prepare themselves for the
responsibilities, and obligations, of NATO membership.
Last week, in Ohrid, at the EAPC Security Forum, I said that NATOs door
is open to those countries that meet NATOs performance based standards
and are able to contribute to Euro-Atlantic security and stability.
This has not changed it will not change. The Adriatic Three know
that NATOs door is open for them. But they should also know that
there is still work to do before they can actually go through
it.
NATO membership brings with it enormous privileges.
A seat at the table where key decisions are taken to shape security in
the Euro-Atlantic region and even beyond. A key role in the
planning and conduct of major stabilising missions, where NATOs military
forces play a central role in providing the security for reconstruction
and development to move ahead. And, last but not least, the
ultimate security guarantee of Article 5 of the Washington
Treaty.
But with these privileges come responsibilities.
New members must play a constructive role within the NATO Council,
helping the Alliance to arrive at consensus. They must be able to
make a real and significant military contribution, in partnership with
their NATO Allies. And they must fully meet the political standards
which make NATO a true symbol of cooperation, democracy and peaceful
relations. Needless to say, those very steps are also necessary for
achieving membership in the European Union.
All three aspirant countries have made much progress on the road to
membership.
They have introduced bold and far-reaching reforms in a wide range of
areas that have brought them closer to membership not only in NATO but
also the European Union. They have demonstrated their commitment to
regional cooperation, notably through the Adriatic Charter. They
have gone a long way in streamlining their security and defence
establishments, and bringing them under democratic control. And
they are demonstrating both their willingness and their ability to be
security providers by making valuable contributions to NATOs missions and
operations, including in Afghanistan.
At the same time, all three aspirant countries know that they each have
to do further work in a number of areas to honour fully their commitment
to reform and to make NATO honour its commitment to them. Because this is
of course the other side of the equation. Where we ask, we
give.
The next step now is for Tirana, Skopje and Zagreb to prepare strong
Annual National Programmes. These documents are important policy
statements far more important than speeches or declarations. They
lay out the intentions of the aspirants for the months ahead.
These documents are due in Brussels in September. I urge the three
aspirant countries to ensure that these Annual National Programmes are
strong and convincing.
I also urge aspirants to engage their national Parliaments in this
process, and to continue to inform their publics of the benefits, as well
as the responsibilities, of membership.
And in this context, Prime Minister Sanader, I should like to commend our
host country, Croatia, for its considerable efforts not only to introduce
the necessary reforms and contribute to NATO operations, but also to
build public support for membership in the Alliance.
At the beginning of the NATO enlargement process in the early 1990s, an
American diplomat once coined a memorable phrase: by joining NATO, you
dont leave your neighbourhood. This remark remains as valid today
as it was then, particularly with respect to Kosovo.
This region is part of our neighbourhood, and we cannot escape from
it. Further development of the region depends on stability, which
would be greatly enhanced by a solution for the status of Kosovo. There
is, I think, a fair, firm and comprehensive basis for a Security Council
decision, based on the Ahtisaari proposals. Rest assured that NATO
and its Partners are active and will stay active in KFOR to guarantee
security and stability in Kosovo. It is important at this moment
for all to exercise restraint and calm. But I think on the other hand
that we should prevent unnecessary delay in trying to find a
solution. And I prevail on all to prevent this delay as also
Secretary General of the UN Ban Ki-moon remarked this morning.
16,000 men and women of KFOR are there to guarantee a climate of security
and stability in Kosovo. No-one should have any illusion that he or
she could change the situation by means of violence. KFOR is there
to prevent that and will prevent it. That is the message that I
emphasised to all parties during my visit in Pristina last
week.
The unresolved future of Kosovo reminds us all that building a new
Southeast Europe is still work in progress.
To realise our common vision of a truly stable, democratic and prosperous
region, many more difficult challenges still need to be overcome.
NATO and the rest of the international community have to play their part,
and I can assure you, they will. But ultimately the countries of
the region themselves are responsible for their own future, and that of
their region. These countries your countries need to press
ahead with bold domestic reforms, strengthen the rule of law, and
encourage economic growth.
But it is equally crucial for your countries, your region and for Europe
as a whole that you continue to develop good-neighbourly relations,
pursue responsible foreign policies, and become true providers of
security rather than consumers.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Today, NATO Allies and many Partners are engaged
in operations far away from Europe, tackling problems as and where they
emerge, before they hit us here on our own continent.
More and more, we are looking at security in global terms, and
reorienting our Alliance to challenges that are increasingly global in
nature. But no matter what further change and adaptation NATO will
need to go through, we will never lose sight of our responsibility
towards Southeast Europe.
In many respects, the origins of NATOs post-Cold War transformation lie
right here in Southeast Europe. It was Yugoslavias collapse that
forced NATO to assume a role which it had never before contemplated that
of crisis manager and peacekeeper. NATOs Balkan involvement shaped
NATOs own evolution in critical ways, perhaps more than any other outside
event (with the exception of Afghanistan). And NATOs involvement,
in turn, shaped the political reality here in this region in many
different ways.
All this has led to a unique relationship
between NATO and the countries of Southeast Europe, including our host
today, Croatia. It is a solid and trustful relationship a
relationship that will only grow deeper as we continue to move together
towards greater stability and security based on the necessary reforms in
the different nations of Europe New South.
Thank you.
- Turkey recognises the Republic of Macedonia with its constitutional
name.